Wednesday, February 18, 2026

North Korean Students Face Mandatory Scrap Collection Quotas

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North Korean students must fulfill mandatory quotas for scrap collection during their vacations. This longstanding state policy actively requires children to gather specific materials. Consequently, students from elementary to high school face considerable pressure. These mandatory quotas dictate precise amounts of scrap metal, rubber, and paper. Students often fear criticism during struggle sessions if they fail.

The program, commonly called the “kids’ plan,” operates year-round. Authorities frame these tasks as good works benefiting the nation. However, the practice effectively shifts the labor burden onto families. Moreover, students must submit collection certificates to their schools for verification. These certificates prove they completed their assigned mandatory quotas.

Current reports focus on the northeastern city of Chongjin specifically. There, a typical third-grade student must collect three kilograms of metal. The list also includes one kilogram each of rubber and paper. Furthermore, children need five empty bottles and ten medicine bottles. Quotas vary slightly between different schools and grade levels.

The impending return to school intensifies the scramble significantly. Middle and high schools reopen earlier than elementary institutions. Therefore, older students face a tighter deadline to gather materials. This timeline creates inevitable psychological pressure on children. Parents then frequently intervene to complete the tasks themselves.

Parents often purchase the required materials on the informal market. They aim to protect their children from public criticism and shame. One source explained that criticism can scar young children deeply. Accordingly, families spend scarce money to resolve the quotas. This dynamic places a disproportionate strain on poorer households.

Observers note this system highlights broader social inequality issues. Children from officials’ families can easily obtain certificates. Meanwhile, ordinary families must find or buy the materials themselves. This disparity reinforces existing class divisions within the closed society. The policy also adds to the many social tasks adults already perform.

The economic impact on struggling families is notably severe. Parents juggle their own state-assigned labor duties as well. Some citizens privately complain the system leaves people exhausted. They argue children’s vacation should remain free from such obligations. Yet the practice continues as a fixture of national life.

This reporting offers a rare window into daily life inside North Korea. It reveals how state demands permeate even childhood experiences. The system instills collectivist values from a very young age. However, it also generates resentment and fatigue among ordinary people. The long-term social implications of such policies remain significant.

There is no indication the North Korean government will change this practice. The state likely views it as vital for resource mobilization. Additionally, it serves as a tool for ideological reinforcement. Future reports may monitor any shifts in quota amounts or materials. The burden on North Korean families appears set to continue unchanged.

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